Why Trump Won
Were you shocked at the results of the 2016 American presidential election? Most people were, but Stephen Harper was not one of them. Here, the former Prime Minister of Canada explains the trends that foreshadowed Trump’s victory and left many political elites looking wildly out of touch.
- Dismissing populism will only lead to more political disruption. It’s important to understand the movement’s legitimate complaints.
Conservatives should not dismiss or condemn populism; instead, they should try to understand people’s legitimate complaints.
View source“[B]road social disruption is morphing into widespread political disruption as night follows day,” former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper explains. “And this trend will continue if traditional political options, both conservative and liberal, double down on existing approaches.”
View sourceConservatives should look beyond the style of Donald Trump or other populist leaders, and address the underlying causes driving populism.
View sourcePopulist movements generally want to fix the problems facing democratic societies, not destroy them.
View source- Globalization has opened a rift between two types of workers: those who are mobile and those who are tied to a particular place.
The modern globalized economy has created two types of workers, what British journalist David Goodhart describes as those who can live “Anywhere” and those who live “Somewhere.”
View source“Anywheres” are a small, mobile group of people who generally work for international corporations that flourish in an increasingly globalized economy.
View sourceWorkers who are attached to particular places, or “Somewheres,” often find their jobs and lifestyles disrupted by globalization.
View sourceWATCH: “The Return of Tribes” – David Goodhart
View source- The recent rise of populism is a result of legitimate, widespread concerns about how a global economy leaves many people behind.
“For too many people, things are not getting better,” former Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper says of the underlying causes of the rise in populism in the West. “If we do not start to address this reality, increasingly dysfunctional politics threaten to take us down the wrong path.”
View sourceDonald Trump’s electoral victory surprised political analysts in part because many underestimated the widespread popularity of populism in an increasingly global economy. The divide between elites and populists can be starkly seen in Hillary Clinton’s reference to Trump’s supporters as “deplorables.”
View sourceRelated reading: “Right Here, Right Now: Politics and Leadership in the Age of Disruption” – Stephen Harper
View source- “Populist conservatism” maintains pro-free market, pro-trade principles while prioritizing local communities over global entities.
Globalization ought not lead people to abdicate loyalty and responsibility to their local communities.
View sourceBeing pro-free market does not mean that all regulations should be dismantled or that governments should never intervene to protect workers.
View sourceA pro-trade outlook should be able to acknowledge when a trade agreement becomes imbalanced.
View sourceConservatives support immigration policies based on the needs of the labor market and reject illegal immigration, which promotes lawlessness and hurts legal workers.
View source- The alternative to populism on the left is not moderate liberalism, but socialism.
The alternative to populism on the left is not moderate liberalism, but socialism.
View sourceIn the U.S., the Democratic Party has increasingly shifted left, embracing more socialist policies and ignoring middle America.
View sourceWATCH: Stephen Harper on popular socialist politicians
View sourceRelated reading: “The Future Is Populist In This Age of Disruption” – Stephen Harper
View source
I was elected to the Parliament of Canada seven times—three times as Prime Minister. I did not expect Donald Trump to be elected President of the United States. But unlike most observers, I did think it was at least possible. Why?
Because I sensed, as Mr. Trump surely did, that the political landscape had shifted.
The underlying issue is this: Over the last few decades, thanks to globalization, a billion people—mostly in the emerging markets of Asia—have lifted themselves out of poverty. This, of course, is a good thing. Yet, in many Western countries, the incomes of working people have stagnated or even declined over the same period.
In short, many Americans voted for Donald Trump because the global economy has not been working for them. We can pretend that this is a false perception. We can keep trying to convince people that they misunderstand their own lives. Or we can try to understand what they are saying and offer some solutions.
I prefer the latter approach.
Let me begin with this:
In our contemporary world, there are, as British journalist David Goodhart describes it, those who can live “Anywhere,” and those who live “Somewhere.”
Imagine you work for an international bank, computer company, or consulting firm. You can wake up in New York, London, or Singapore and feel at home. Your work is not threatened by import competition or technological dislocation. You vocally support all international trade agreements and high levels of immigration. You are one of those who can live Anywhere. There are a lot of those people. But there are a lot more completely _unlike_ them.
Let’s say you’re a factory worker, a small-businessperson, or in retail sales. Your work has been disrupted by outsourcing, cheap imports and technological change. Your children attend the local schools and your aging parents live nearby. Your social life is connected to a local church, sports team, or community group.
If things go badly at your company, or if policy choices by politicians turn out to be wrong, you can’t just shift your life to somewhere else. Like it or not, you depend on the economic policies of your national or state government. When it doesn’t come through for you, you’re not happy. And when it ignores you entirely, you get angry.
It’s easy for Anywheres to dismiss these concerns. But the Anywheres’ faith in global solutions and multi-national political bodies is founded more on fantasy than fact.
The fact is, the critical functions of laws and regulations and monetary and fiscal stability, among other things, are provided by nations, not global institutions.
The nation, with all its flaws, is a concrete reality. The “global community” is little more than a concept. Yet it is the Anywheres, with their faith in globalization—not the Somewheres—who have dominated the politics of almost every advanced country.
That is, until now.
This sea-change is not limited to the United States. The same dynamics—“Anywhere” elites versus “Somewhere” populists—is playing out all across the Western world.
These populists, as I’ve tried to show, are not the ignorant and misguided “deplorables” depicted in mainstream media. They are our family, friends, and neighbors. The populists represent, by definition, the interests of ordinary people. And, in a democratic system, the people are supposed to be our customers.
So, how then can we best serve them? I propose an approach I call “populist conservatism.” Grounding ourselves in tried and true conservative values, we must speak to the issues that concern the Somewheres and their families—those of ordinary people, not elites. Those issues include market economics, trade, globalization, and immigration.
In addressing these issues, conservatives should remain pro-free market, pro-trade, pro-globalization and pro-immigration. Going in a completely opposite direction in any of these areas is a mistake.
But being pro-market does not mean that all regulations should be dismantled or that governments should never intervene to protect workers. Being pro-trade does not imply that every trade agreement is a good one. Being pro-globalization should not entail abdicating loyalty or responsibility to our country and our local communities. And being pro-immigration should never mean sanctioning illegal immigration, erasing our borders, or ignoring the interests of our citizens.
I call this “populist conservatism,” but it’s really just conservatism.
Conservatism is about seeing the world as it is. It’s also inherently populist because it is about serving real people rather than theories.
I’m Stephen Harper, author of _Right Here, Right Now: Politics and Leadership in the Age of Disruption_, for Prager University.
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